Politics
Analysis: Moldova: Communists stay in control thanks to democrats
Reading Time: 5 minutesOn 3 June, Moldovans went to the polls for mayoral and local council elections, seen as an indicator of attitudes in advance of the 2009 parliamentary vote. Given the outcome of the local elections, t
Author: Tammy Lynch // ISCIP
On 3 June, Moldovans went to the polls for mayoral and local council elections, seen as an indicator of attitudes in advance of the 2009 parliamentary vote. Given the outcome of the local elections, the ruling Communist Party should be concerned. But given history, the party’s leaders may have little to worry about, as its opponents rarely have the ability to take advantage of electoral opportunities.
The preliminary results of the elections have been reported differently in several media outlets, all of which claim to quote the Central Election Commission. The most reliable data appear to come from the Moldpres News Agency, which showed that the Communist Party placed first in 277 of the country’s 898 mayoral races. (1)
Two liberal, West-leaning forces followed. The Moldova Noastra Alliance (MNA, 152 seats or 16.88%), and Democratic Party of Moldova (DP, 74 seats or 8.29%) placed first in a significant number of mayoral races. The Infotag News Agency reported also that the Christian Democratic Popular Party (CDPP, 72 or 8.05%) did well, achieving fourth place. (2)
Many of these mayoral races will go to run-offs, because the winners failed to score the required 50% of the vote. However, the CEC did not immediately make clear which, or how many, of the 898 races would be affected. This could make a significant difference, since pro-West forces do considerably better in head-to-head races than in large fields.
In the capital, there will be a mayoral run-off in two weeks, as first place Communist candidate, Veaceslav Iordan, scored only 28% of the vote. This result likely is a disappointment, given the Communist Party’s push to finally take control of Chisinau, the only major city where non-Communist forces have maintained significant influence. Liberal Party candidate Dorin Chirtoaca placed second with 24.64% of the vote, while the MNA, Democratic Party and Party of Social Democracy candidates followed with roughly 8% each.
Additionally, the Communists won almost 30% of the seats in the Chisinau city council, with the Liberal Party (19%), MNA (11%), Democratic Party (6.6%) and CDPP (6%) following.
The results make one point abundantly clear – those opposing the Communist Party missed a genuine opportunity to work together to increase their influence. In fact, at a time when Moldovans appear to be growing disenchanted with the Communists, who have been in power since 2001, the liberal democratic forces could have scored decisive victories in key areas – had they united.
A decrease in Communist support is apparent when comparing these results to the previous local elections in 2003. At that time, the Communist Party earned 41% of all mayoral seats. (2) This means that the Party lost approximately 90 seats in the current election.
Also in 2003, the Communist Party won just under 45% of all local council seats and 48% of all municipal seats (which translated into 54% of all municipal mandates because of threshold requirements). (3) In last weekend’s election, the Communists saw those percentages shrink to 35% and 36%, respectively.
This loss occurred even though most election observation missions found that the electoral atmosphere leading up to the poll was not conducive to fair elections. The Civic Coalition for Free and Fair Elections 2007, consisting of seven independent Moldovan NGOs, monitored the campaign period and election-day.
The group found that “administration of the election was often biased, especially in terms of registration of contestants, exclusion of contestants from the electoral race, challenging of CEC decisions and delay in examining complaints. Ballots were compiled with several inaccuracies….” Furthermore, the group compared this election to those previously monitored by its members in 2003 and 2005. “In this campaign,” the coalition wrote, “administrative resources were widely used, and intimidation of electoral contestants occurred in an unprecedented and alarming proportion. Also, the practice of ‘purchasing’ votes was evident.” (4)
The OSCE/ODIHR Mission to Moldova noted similar problems. “One of the hallmarks of a democratic election is the ability for candidates to run for office on an equal basis, free from intimidation," said Ambassador Dieter Boden, head of the ODIHR mission. "There were a number of cases throughout the country where candidates faced pressure or dismissal or suspension from their jobs as a result of their political activities." The OSCE/ODIHR preliminary mission report, which included observations from 200 monitors, also noted extensive, sometimes unequal media coverage of state authorities during the campaign and a number of cases where local authorities failed to guarantee equal conditions for all parties and candidates. (5)
Nevertheless, the Communists were unable to match their performance in 2003. This is largely due to general frustration among the Moldovan voters caused by continuing economic stagnation, leading to the highest level of poverty in Europe, a failure to integrate successfully into any international groupings, and the inability of the government to deal with the separatist republic of Transnistria. A poll by the IMAS agency in March found that 54% of the country is “dissatisfied with the current state of affairs in Moldova.” Thirty-three percent of those polled responded that they were satisfied, while 13% did not provide an answer. (6)
Still, even with all of this, the parties opposing the Communists have been unable to provide an alternative. All of the “democratic” parties listed above have, at one time or another, formed coalitions with each other. These coalitions were beset with bickering and backstabbing, and consequently were unable to formulate effective plans. They all fell apart under their own top-heavy weight. As in most post-Soviet states, party leaders often are unable to refuse “incentives” provided to them by the ruling government, and consequently are unable (or unwilling) to develop an effective opposition.
Because the opposition parties are now splintered into five or more entities, their votes were split in the mayoral races. This fact allowed the Communists to win a plurality of mayoral seats. If, for example, the Liberal Party, MNA, Popular Social Democratic Party, Moldovan Democratic Party and Christian Democratic Popular Party had united in the Chisinau mayoral race, they would have won 53% of the vote, and a run-off would be unnecessary. This is assuming, of course, that they could have formulated a unified, effective campaign strategy. They have not done so in any election so far.
Therefore, when looking forward, the opposition to the Communist Party should be optimistic. Even fragmented, pressured, and facing a virtual media blockade, its parties were able to increase their representation throughout the country. But, their short term successes have never translated into an ability to score large, long term wins. That could change in 2009, if Moldova’s non-Communist leaders are finally able to put aside their personal animosities and respond to the concerns of their citizens.
Source Notes:
(1) “Central Election Commission announces preliminary outcome of general local elections in Moldova,” Moldpres, 4 Jun 07. Numbers are the authors own estimates based on provided percentages. For example, Moldpres reports that the Communist Party won 30.81% of 898 races, according to the CEC. The author estimates this figure at 277 seats.
(2) “Communist Party wins local elections in Moldova,” Infotag, 4 Jun 07 via Moldova Foundation Weekly News Bulletin.
(3) European Forum for Democracy and Solidarity – Moldova Update, 18 Sep 06 via www.europeanforum.net/country/moldova.
(4) “LOCAL ELECTIONS LARGELY DID NOT COMPLY WITH INTERNATIONAL STANDARDS FOR FREE AND FAIR ELECTIONS,” Civic Coalition for Free and Fair Elections Coalition 2007, 4 Jun 07 via Moldova Foundation Weekly News Bulletin.
(5) “International standards unevenly implemented during local elections in Moldova,” OSCE Mission to Moldova, 4 Jun 07 via www.osce.org/moldova/item_1_24816.html.
(6) IMAS Agency (Interviews with 1,091 Moldovan adults, conducted from Mar. 14 to Mar. 23, 2007. Margin of error is 3 per cent.) via Angus Reid Global Monitor, www.angus-reid.com.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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