Politics
Moldova’s Parties Must Act Now To Exercise Their Rights In Poll
Reading Time: 5 minutesNew legislative elections in Moldova will take place July 29, following the collapse of the old parliament that deadlocked over the election of a new president. That parliament was elected in a highly contentious poll in April that the opposition denounced as fraudulent. But Moldova’s Electoral Code gives parties ample rights and tools to ensure that the electoral machinery operates correctly so that next month’s elections will be widely seen as a genuine expression of the popular will.
By John Todd Stewart
New legislative elections in Moldova will take place July 29, following the collapse of the old parliament that deadlocked over the election of a new president. That parliament was elected in a highly contentious poll in April that the opposition denounced as fraudulent. But Moldova’s Electoral Code gives parties ample rights and tools to ensure that the electoral machinery operates correctly so that next month’s elections will be widely seen as a genuine expression of the popular will.
Parties must act quickly, however, to exercise their rights.
The voter lists present the first challenge, especially since alleged irregularities in the lists for the April 5 elections were a primary basis for opposition claims that those elections were fraudulent. According to the Electoral Code, local government officials are responsible for drawing up the voter list corresponding to each polling station and checking its accuracy by visiting the people on the list at their homes. The lists must be made public 15 days before the election. Prospective voters may then review the list for their precinct to determine its accuracy and appeal, not later than four days before the election, for the rectification of errors regarding themselves or others.
Working from these legal provisions in anticipation of new elections, the Central Election Commission (CEC) adopted a decision on June 9 instructing local governments to draw up by July 3 a new voter lists for each polling station established for the April 5 elections. The list is to include all individuals currently resident in the area covered by the polling station, and the decision draws special attention to the necessity of excluding persons who are deceased. After the lists are verified by calls at the registrants’ homes, they are to be transmitted electronically to the CEC on July 6 and made public locally.
Prospective electoral contestants, acting singly or in alliances, now have the possibility to monitor the development of the voter lists to ensure that local governments follow the CEC’s instructions.
Difficult, To Say The Least
First, it should be comparatively easy to determine whether a local government is verifying the accuracy of its voter lists by visiting registrants at their homes; any failure to do so should be protested officially and publicized.
Second, the prospective electoral contestants should request copies of the voter lists from local governments as soon as they are sent to the CEC on or before July 6. Where the lists are not provided, there should be an immediate, determined, and well-publicized protest.
The third step, a review of the lists for accuracy, would be the most demanding, given the fact that Moldova will have almost 2,000 polling stations. It would be difficult, to say the least, for prospective electoral contestants, even working in alliances, to muster enough people with adequate training and local expertise to conduct the kind of door-to-door canvassing necessary to verify the accuracy of a every list or challenge its shortcomings.
Ambassador Louis O’Neill recently proposed that the European Union support, both financially and technically, an updating of the voter lists, perhaps working with the nonpartisan NGO Coalition 2009. Such a program might well obviate the need for electoral contestants to mount their own verification efforts.
In addition, electoral contestants would be well advised to take advantage of the provisions of the Electoral Code that entitle them to representation on the administrative bodies responsible for conducting the election — the CEC, the district electoral councils, and the precinct electoral bureaus responsible for the polling stations.
Special Provisions
At all three levels, each contestant has the right to appoint to each administrative body a member-representative who will serve for the duration of the campaign in a consultative capacity. Moreover, the code makes special provisions for additional party representation on the district electoral councils and the precinct electoral bureaus.
According to the Electoral Code, the CEC must soon establish electoral districts corresponding to Moldova’s 35 administrative-territorial units and a district electoral council for each district. Each council will probably have 11 voting members, two selected by the district court, two by the district council, and the remaining seven by the parties represented in the outgoing parliament in proportion to their representation there. In the event parties do not nominate their candidates in a timely manner, the vacancies will be filled by the district council.
Each district electoral council must then establish precincts, probably identical to those established for the April 5 election, and an electoral bureau for each precinct. Depending on the number of registered voters there, each bureau will have between five and eleven voting members. Three members are chosen by the local council with the remainder named by the parties represented in the outgoing parliament in proportion to the number of seats they hold there. If parties do not nominate their candidates in a timely manner, the missing members will be selected by the local council.
It is exceedingly important for the political parties represented in the outgoing parliament — the Communist Party, the Liberal Party, the Liberal Democratic Party, and the Our Moldova Alliance — to avail themselves of the opportunity to select members for the district electoral councils and precinct electoral bureaus, for their nominees will then be in a position to help direct the operations of these bodies and protest any irregularities they may find.
Not Easy To Find Candidates
With its superior countrywide organization the Communist Party is best situated to put forward its share, approximately three-fifths, of the party candidates. The three opposition parties would be well advised to collaborate in selecting and training nominees to fill the remaining positions. Even with such collaboration, however, it will not be easy to field qualified candidates for almost 2,000 precinct electoral bureaus.
The Electoral Code empowers any electoral contestant to request the accreditation of a representative to observe the election at any precinct. Accredited observers have the right to be present at all electoral operations, including all sessions of the precinct bureau. They also have the right to inform the chairperson of the electoral bureau of any observed irregularities.
Again, given the large number of electoral precincts, it would be extremely difficult for every contestant to assign an observer to each precinct electoral bureau. To the extent two or more parties feel their interests are aligned, they may find it advisable to form alliances to provide coverage in more precincts. Training is essential for all accredited observers, for they must be thoroughly familiar with the Electoral Code and the CEC decisions so they can identify irregularities and know what steps to take in response.
It is not clear to what extent the parties availed themselves of these rights before and during the April 5 elections. In view of the charges of fraud leveled in their aftermath, it is now incumbent on all parties to move as quickly and broadly as possible, citing these provisions of the Electoral Code, to ensure that the electoral machinery operates properly in the forthcoming contest.
—
John Todd Stewart was the U.S. ambassador to Moldova from 1995 to 1998 and an OSCE/ODIHR observer for the parliamentary elections of 2005 and April 2009. The views expressed in this commentary are the author’s own and do not necessarily reflect those of RFE/RL.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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