Politics
Resumption Of Talks On Moldova’s Trandniester Conflict Is Only A Small First Step
Reading Time: 5 minutesRegional players such as Russia, Ukraine, and Romania have, in many ways, the greatest influence on the possible resolution of the Transdniester conflict. Berlin-based political analyst Anneli Ute Gabanyi says she does not believe the situation has changed much since the talks broke down. She tells RFE/RL that Russia continues to base its position on the so-called Kozak Memorandum, a proposal presented in 2003 that envisions a very broad autonomy for Transdniester and the continued presence of Russian troops in the region for at least 20 more years.
By Robert Coalson — The announcement that official talks are to resume in the so-called 5+2 format aimed at resolving Moldova’s long-standing conflict with the breakaway Transdniester region has been hailed as a small but important bit of progress.
The official talks have been suspended since early 2006, although unofficial contacts have been kept alive under the auspices of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe (OSCE).
The announcement was made on September 22 during a meeting in Moscow, which came hard on the heels of talks between Moldovan Prime Minister Vlad Filat and Transdniester leader Igor Smirnov in Bavaria on September 9. Moldovan Deputy Prime Minister for Reintegration Eugen Carpov, who headed Moldova’s delegation in Moscow, hailed the agreement to resume talks as "a substantial step forward."
However, the sides did not agree to an agenda for the upcoming talks or even on a date when they would resume. However, the OSCE’s ambassador for the protracted conflict, Giedrius Cekuolis, announced that he had been asked to chair the resumed talks in Lithuania. This seems to indicate his intention that they begin before Lithuania’s presidency of the OSCE concludes at the end of December.
‘A Process Has Begun’
Journalist Grigory Volovoi, who is based in the Transdniestrian capital of Tiraspol and who has covered the dispute for years, notes that the Moscow announcement is only one step in a long process that still lies ahead.
"Tiraspol’s position has not changed and neither has the position of Chisinau," Volovoi says. "Therefore, I think it is still too early to talk about the resumption of full-scale, constructive talks. A process has begun, as one witty phrase has it, in which they have agreed that they need to reach an agreement.
"So, in my opinion, the negotiating process still has not reached the phase where it can constructively settle one or another problem. Tiraspol continues to insist on total independence, while Moldova continues to insist on a unitary state. And neither of these facts suggests any concrete solution to the Transdniester problem."
Carpov also noted in comments to RFE/RL’s Moldovan Service that the area of agreement between the two sides is small.
"Tirasapol’s position corresponds to Chisinau’s in that both agree on the necessity of resuming official negotiations," Carpov says. "But no other elements were agreed — precisely in order to avoid questions that could provoke disagreement. No preconditions were accepted for the resumption of the talks."
Fundamental Conundrum
Chisinau-based political analyst Igor Botan explains the fundamental conundrum that the renewed talks will eventually have to confront.
"Chisinau believes the 5+2 talks need to be about the status of Transdniester, while for the Transdniester side, the problem is completely different — that is, there is no common starting point," Botan says. "They think Transdniester can’t pronounce its independence while also holding talks about its status. Talks with Moldova can only be about recognizing Transdniester and about normalizing relations between Moldova and Transdniester."
The official 5+2 talks are structured around the two conflicting sides — the government of Moldova and the representatives of the Transdniester region — as well as the mediating powers Russia, Ukraine, and the OSCE, and the observers, the United States and the European Union. They were suspended on March 3, 2006.
Regional players such as Russia, Ukraine, and Romania have, in many ways, the greatest influence on the possible resolution of the Transdniester conflict. Berlin-based political analyst Anneli Ute Gabanyi says she does not believe the situation has changed much since the talks broke down. She tells RFE/RL that Russia continues to base its position on the so-called Kozak Memorandum, a proposal presented in 2003 that envisions a very broad autonomy for Transdniester and the continued presence of Russian troops in the region for at least 20 more years.
"All the signals which have emerged from Moscow in the meantime are clearly pointing in the same direction — a very large status of autonomy for Transdniester which would allow it to continue as a veto power and, on the other hand, Russia is trying by all means [as we can] see in the example of Sevastopol in Crimea [Ukraine], where Russia succeeded to keep its troops and its port there," Gabanyi says. "The same is Russia’s objective in Moldova."
‘Rather Strange’
Gabanyi describes Russia as "the main power in the 5+2 game" and says Moscow views the Transdniester situation in the context of its larger strategic goal of restructuring the security architecture of Europe and reducing the influence of NATO. In addition, she notes a paradox in Russia’s offer to serve as guarantor for such a broad autonomy for Transdniester, one which under Moscow’s proposal would include the region’s right to veto the country’s foreign policy or to secede from the federated state altogether.
"I read a very interesting comment by a Moldovan analyst who said, ‘OK, if Russia and Ukraine are the guarantors of such a federalization project, then obviously it would be impossible to grant Transdniester more rights inside a future greater Moldovan federation, of which Transdniester would be part, than the autonomous entities are granted in Russia or in Ukraine.’ And obviously the status of autonomous regions in Russia does not allow for leaving the Russian Federation," Gabanyi says.
"So it would be rather strange for Russia to guarantee a solution which would grant Transdniester greater autonomy rights than Russia itself grants its autonomous entities."
Igor Dodon is a deputy with the Moldovan Communist Party, which remains the single largest political force in the country, although a West-leaning coalition called the Alliance for European Integration (AEI) has controlled the government since July 2009. He tells RFE/RL that the AEI government cannot negotiate a settlement to the Transdniester dispute because some elements within it espouse "unionist ideas," meaning that they advocate the unification of Moldova and Romania.
"I am convinced that in this situation it will be very hard to find a compromise that would lead to a solution of this very important problem," Dodon says. "I think that when a government is achieved in Moldova that advocates sovereignty — with all the elements of that government — when a clear statement will be made regarding Moldova’s neutrality, then it will be possible to solve the Transdniester problem."
Presence Of Russian Forces
Looking forward, Gabanyi says the best hope for progress in the renewed 5+2 talks will be if the observer participants — the European Union and the United States — understand Moscow’s goals and insist on a resolution of the question of the presence of Russian forces in Moldova.
"The problem is really to what degree the West is ready to insist on positions that Russia has agreed upon in the past — and, obviously, this is the agreement that was reached in Istanbul in 1999, where Russia under President [Boris] Yeltsin, then, agreed to withdraw its troops from the territory of Moldova," Gabanyi says. "And obviously we know they are stationed in Transdniester, but everyone agrees that Transdniester is an integral part of Moldova, so — from Moldova."
As long as that question remains unsettled, Gabanyi adds, Moldova’s sovereignty will be compromised and Chisinau will be unable to hammer out any compromise that could form the basis of a permanent settlement.
RFE/RL Moldovan Service correspondents Valentina Ursu and Diana Railean contributed to this story from Chisinau. RFE/RL’s Russian Service contributed to this report from Moscow
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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