Politics
Ukraine is still searching for an identity
Reading Time: 5 minutesUkrainians had a number of reasons to celebrate this year. They commemorated the twentieth anniversary of their country’s independence—declared by parliament in August 1991—and its first manifestation of universal suffrage when in December of that same year roughly 90 percent of the population backed the parliament’s declaration.
By Olga Shumylo-Tapiola/ Carnegie/ Brussels — Ukrainians had a number of reasons to celebrate this year. They commemorated the twentieth anniversary of their country’s independence—declared by parliament in August 1991—and its first manifestation of universal suffrage when in December of that same year roughly 90 percent of the population backed the parliament’s declaration. Ukrainians had high hopes for a democratic and prosperous future. However, two decades on, the direction their country will take is still far from clear.
While many observers would like to attribute this stagnation to ineffective politicians or the population’s flawed mentality, the roots of Ukraine’s problems run deeper. The source of Ukraine’s problems lies in the country’s Soviet legacy and the consequent lack of a national narrative and identity. This explains the chaotic nature of Ukrainian politics as well as the population’s alienation from the state. Politicians are seemingly the only beneficiaries of the status quo, as it grants them virtual immunity to rob their own country.
Ukrainian independence happened by and large by default. Few observers would argue that it was the result of popular desire or a long-term struggle on behalf of the nation’s elite. Ukraine’s leadership—largely former communist party members—had to bring the country out of a massive economic downturn while simultaneously building the state and its institutions. In effect, they had to build the ship while it was sailing.
Issues of national identity were therefore largely ignored in the 1990s. It was difficult to find a unifying narrative for a population that had been brought together within the same borders for the first time in history and that comprised numerous different cultural, linguistic, and religious backgrounds as well as diverging historical outlooks.
There were subsequent efforts to forge a Ukrainian national identity based on language and culture. This started with a process of “silent Ukrainianization” during Leonid Kuchma’s second presidency—from 1999 to 2005—when the Ukrainian language began to play a more prominent role in education and the public sector. It proceeded with “imposed Ukrainianization” during Viktor Yuschenko’s presidency from 2005 to 2010. This process, however, was not well received in certain parts of the country. While many eastern and southern Ukrainians did not object to western Ukrainian language and culture, they did not want these to be imposed upon them. The current president, Viktor Yanukovych, is therefore making concerted efforts to reverse both the subtle and harsher policies of his predecessors.
Despite numerous declarations to the contrary, Ukraine’s elite has little vision for the country’s future. No single politician or political party has yet suggested a narrative capable of unifying all Ukrainians. Even the Euro 2012 European Football Championship, which was touted as an opportunity to unite the nation, has resulted in little more than oligarchs across Ukraine replenishing their coffers courtesy of the state.
Political parties still prefer to identify with either eastern or western Ukraine, with no single party drawing strong support across the country. Parties continue to exploit divisions between east and west, or Ukrainian and Russian speakers, and still rely on pro-Western or pro-Russian rhetoric during elections. Politicians fight for power to ensure their own personal enrichment, while Ukrainians are left to fend for themselves.
The population’s view of their country’s future is no clearer. The situation in Ukraine differs significantly from that in Poland. In the 1990s, Poles wanted to embrace democracy and the market economy and to reintegrate with Europe, which they saw as their traditional home. Ukrainians lack a similar sense of purpose as a nation. They are ambitious and want to be a strong nation, but in reality they are disappointed and disillusioned after twenty years of independence.
Ukrainians are still in favor of independent statehood. According to the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, if a referendum were to be held this year, 83 percent of Ukrainians would support independence. This support has fluctuated over the years, yet it has never dropped below 50 percent. Moreover, these fluctuations should be attributed to the public’s disillusionment with Ukraine’s politics rather than skepticism toward the meaning and value of the country’s statehood.
Few Ukrainians have any faith in the institutions of their government (1). According to the Razumkov Centre, a Kyiv-based think tank, only 6.5 percent of Ukrainians fully support their government. Ten percent support the president (2), 5.3 percent support the parliament (3), while a paltry 4.2 percent support the judiciary (4). Alarmingly, only 2.2 percent of those interviewed trust the political parties in Ukraine (5).
Nor do many Ukrainians believe in their own power. Prior to the presidential elections in 2010, nearly 85 percent of voters felt disenchanted with those in office and nearly 60 percent had little faith that the election would bring positive change (6). Additionally, nearly 50 percent of Ukrainian voters believed that their participation in elections would have no impact on government policies or the future of the country.
There is still a gap between western and eastern Ukraine. However, this gap does not pose a significant threat to the country’s statehood. While there are still differences between the eastern and western, and central and southern, regions of the country, there are also a number of shared traits. According to the Sofia Centre, an independent think tank in Kyiv, Ukrainians are individualistic, preferring to distance themselves from society. As in Soviet times, they have little trust in their fellow citizens and prefer to rely on kinship and friendship networks. By and large the kitchen remains the primary forum for Ukrainians to express their patriotism and discuss their problems—involvement in the public sphere of politics is comparatively rare. Although Ukrainians still look to the state to provide public goods and services, if and when the state fails, they are used to ignoring or giving in to corruption to satisfy their needs (7).
With politicians serving their own interests and the population fighting for survival, Ukraine has nowhere to go but down without a change. The issue of a national narrative and national identity, therefore, becomes more vital. While uniting Ukraine around language, culture, or history may prove to be elusive, focusing on building a political nation could provide a solution.
The basis for this alternative is already in place. Ukrainians from Donetsk to Lviv to Simferopol, and to Kyiv have already identified themselves as holders of Ukrainian passports. The Orange Revolution brought Ukrainians to life as a nation. However, the mistakes of that moment in the country’s history should not be repeated. Relying on a single politician to sort out all of Ukraine’s problems is no longer an option. The same goes for external support. The West cannot help Ukraine and its people find direction and purpose.
Nation-building cannot be imposed through a top-down process, nor can it be brought about by spontaneous grassroots movements or a popular revolt. A society-wide discussion is needed to establish the parameters of any future political nation. The building of such a nation is a prerequisite for building a multicultural, multiethnic, and otherwise diverse Ukraine. The question of who will lead this grand debate and reach out to the disillusioned Ukrainian population, though, remains unanswered.
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Olga Shumylo-Tapiola is a visiting scholar at Carnegie Europe in Brussels, where her research focuses on EU and Russian policy toward Ukraine, Moldova, and Belarus.
1 Razumkov Centre, Do you support the activity of the Government of Ukraine? (recurrent, 2000-2011), http://razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=75
2 Razumkov Centre, Do you support the activity of Viktor Yanukovych? (recurrent, 2002-2011), http://razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=90
3 Razumkov Centre, Do you support the activity of the Ukrainian Parliament (Verkhovna Rada)? (recurrent, 2000-2011), http://razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=68
4 Razumkov Centre, Do you support the activity of the courts in Ukraine? (recurrent, 2005-2011), http://razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=169
5 Razumkov Centre, Do you trust political parties? (recurrent, 2001-2011), http://razumkov.org.ua/eng/poll.php?poll_id=82
6 International Centre for Policy Studies, Inside Ukraine #4, January 2010, http://www.icps.com.ua/files/articles/55/41/Inside_Ukraine_ENG_4_Jan_2010.pdf
7 Sofia Centre, Ukrainian Character, http://dialogs.org.ua/__files/20110616.pdf
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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