Politics
Analysis: UN Security Council expands UNOMIG mandate to Kodori
Reading Time: 3 minutesThe United Nations Security Council has approved a routine prolongation of the U.N. Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) mandate to operate in Abkhazia (United Nations, Report of the Secretary-General
Author: Vladimir Socor, Eurasia Daily Monitor
The United Nations Security Council has approved a routine prolongation of the U.N. Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) mandate to operate in Abkhazia (United Nations, Report of the Secretary-General, October 15; Civil Georgia, October 16; Georgia Today, October 19-25). The Security Council’s resolution is less biased against Georgia and less replete with Moscow-inspired formulations, in comparison with previous resolutions, particularly that of October 2006 (see EDM, October 17, 2006). Following the new resolution’s adoption, however, some Moscow representatives sent out trial balloons testing some unprecedented excuses for holding on to Abkhazia indefinitely, irrespective of any U.N. processes.
The new resolution’s most significant innovation consists of supporting the right of all refugees and internally displaced persons to return to their homes in Abkhazia and reclaim their property there. Moreover, these rights are now being recognized as valid on the entire territory of pre-1993 Abkhazia, not just the Gali district. U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon seems more receptive to this notion than any of his predecessors in that post. This recognition is the first real political step by an international organization to begin addressing the 1993 mass ethnic cleansing of Georgians from Abkhazia, particularly north of Gali. However, an actual mechanism to reverse that ethnic cleansing has yet to be devised.
Furthermore, the resolution enlarges UNOMIG’s area of responsibility by authorizing its personnel to monitor the territory between the mainly Russian-controlled “conflict zone” and the Georgian-controlled Upper Abkhazia (Kodori Gorge). The enlargement is slight, but the territory is critical, and the UNOMIG monitoring there can help prevent Russian and Abkhaz illicit activities, such as their September 20 raid into the upper Kodori Gorge.
Along with these innovations, the Security Council’s resolution incorporates the traditional bows to the 1994 Moscow “agreement” and its product, the “Commonwealth of Independent States peacekeeping force,” although that agreement was imposed on a prostrate Georgia and the Russian force is neither CIS nor peacekeeping by U.N. standards. These points in the resolution fully satisfied Moscow as well as its Abkhaz protégés. The latter, meanwhile, refuse to return to the political dialogue with Tbilisi, which the Abkhaz side broke when Tbilisi reestablished its control in Upper Kodori in July 2006. Sukhumi wants Georgia to evacuate Upper Kodori as a condition to resuming the political dialogue. Such a demand seems a calculated non-starter to avoid a political dialogue with the Georgian government.
During the negotiations on the resolution, Georgia insisted on the need for a comprehensive analysis of the Abkhazia conflict and fundamental change in the peacekeeping and negotiations mechanisms. President Mikheil Saakashvili called for such analysis and such changes in his September 26 speech to the U.N. General Assembly. There he also offered self-governance for those living in Abkhazia within Georgia’s borders, under constitutional and international guarantees for language rights and preservation of ethnic identity, and including a robust role for the European Union (see EDM, October 1).
According to the ministers of Foreign Affairs and Conflict Settlement, Gela Bezhuashvili and Davit Bakradze, Georgia’s follow-up steps at the U.N. will be to promote a reassessment of the entire negotiating process so as to identify the reasons for its ineffectiveness and change its decade-old format. Georgia also wants the U.N. to actually express a position on the ethnic cleansing in next year’s resolutions and also to internationalize Russia’s 1,500-strong “peacekeeping” operation. UNOMIG’s presence, with only 152 personnel and a strictly circumscribed mandate, dependent on the Russian military for security and mobility, scarcely makes a dent into Russia’s “peacekeeping” monopoly.
In the wake of the new U.N. resolution, a Russian diplomat and two prominent Moscow analysts raised some new issues to their Georgian and Western counterparts during an international conference on October 19-21 in Tbilisi. One Russian warning, voiced in the Chatham-rule-based conference, said explicitly that Moscow would officially recognize Abkhazia’s separation from Georgia in the event that Georgia successfully persists with its quest for NATO membership.
Another warning said that Russia’s ultimate decision on Abkhazia could depend on whether the Russian navy retains or gives up the Sevastopol base in Ukraine by 2017, when the current lease expires. The implication is that Moscow considers the possibility of building a naval base in Abkhazia as a partial substitute for Sevastopol (the Novorossiysk base has a limited potential).
A third warning, voiced in parallel with the conference, claimed that Georgia was failing to fulfill a commitment to host Russian-Georgian “joint anti-terrorist centers” on Georgian territory, as part of the 2005 and 2006 agreements on closing the Batumi and Akhalkalaki bases. This claim apparently seeks to excuse Russia’s continuing retention of a third base, Gudauta, which was to have been closed, along with Batumi and Akhalkalaki, under the 1999 Istanbul agreements. In reality, Georgia never agreed to host Russian-Georgian “joint anti-terrorist centers.” Russia failed in 2005-2006 to extract that price for the closure of the two bases (see EDM, March 14, 2005 and May 22, 2006).
These new ideas seem designed to test Georgian and Western reactions to a continuation of Russia’s control of Abkhazia on pretexts that have nothing to do with “ethnic” conflict, the Abkhaz as such, or a political settlement of the conflict, let alone U.N. negotiating processes. Moreover, those rationalizations have no relation to any “Kosovo precedent” and demonstrate that Moscow does not need any “precedent” for pursuing its policies in Abkhazia. Rather, it holds Abkhazia’s remaining population hostage to those policies.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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