Politics
In the Transnistrian settlement process interests of both Chisinau and Tiraspol are important
Reading Time: 7 minutesInfotags interview with European Union Special Representative for Moldova Kalman Mizsei.
Infotag’s interview with European Union Special Representative for Moldova Kalman Mizsei.
I.: Mr. Mizsei, you have been the EU Special Representative to Moldova since March 2007. So, what could you say about the settlement of the conflict with Moldova’s breakaway Transnistrian region – a key problem for Moldova’s authorities?
K.M.: This is a very complicated process since there are interests for and against settlement and in this region, and among many of the participants the culture of striking win-win compromises is not deeply rooted. But I would say that the Moldovan government that was formed last autumn has really tried to open a new chapter by intensifying its efforts for building confidence with the Transnistrian authorities. It is desirable that in the coalition there emerges enough discipline that everybody speaks in the same spirit of confidence building. Also, the Transnistrian authorities, for the sake of the people there, should put more faith in building bridges with Chisinau and also use them. I hope though that some new initiatives that are emerging will help to accelerate the process.
I.: Are there any chances of solving the Transnistrian conflict in the near future? No top level meetings have been held for more than three years.
K.M. Yes, there are chances. The better the cooperation between the EU, Russia and Ukraine, the better are the chances for a dialogue that can lead to the settlement. The interests of Chisinau and Tiraspol are also very important in this process – the more the participants of the 5+2 process talk to each other, the more they can realize common interests – on the basis of which we could start the negotiation process.
I.: How do you assess the recent joint statement by Russian and Ukrainian presidents, the agreement reached by Angela Merkel and Dmitriy Medvedev, as well as Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov’s statement about EU’s possible participation in the peacekeeping operation in Transnistria and the possibility of resuming the 5+2 process talk? K.M.: I see many promising elements in each of this. There is a convergence of views, we all see the importance of the 5+2 settlement process, we all see the importance of confidence building between Chisinau and Tiraspol, we all see that the outside partners need to contribute to it and we all see the importance of human rights and the civil society in this process. And we all see that only very large scale and guaranteed status for Transnistria can open the way for a feasible settlement.
I.: Some politicians and analysts say that the 5+2 format is inefficient and unable to help reach consensus. Is there an alternative to this format?
K.M.: It is not the 5+2 format that is responsible for the stalled negotiations but political factors within the participating countries and in their attitudes to each other. I think we all have learnt from the last 4 years and when we restart the negotiations those lessons will be taken into account. The participants of the 5+2 are the right participants – the only thing is that it would not be productive if someone wanted to create first category and second category participants there along the line of guarantors and observers. The EU is Moldova’s most significant neighbour and thus is naturally expecting to be an equal partner to others there. Our economic significance also grows in Transnistria and I think in Tiraspol they also understand that we do not come there with any bad intention but to help to create a situation that is win-win for everyone.
I.: Is the Transnistrian conflict a great obstacle on Moldova’s path to European integration? Could Moldova join the EU following Cyprus’s example?
K.M.: I would say that the solution of the Transnistrian conflict and the European integration are intimately interlinked. First, the more the rule-of-law prevails in right bank Moldova, the more the Transnistrians can be confident that in the common state they will not be discriminated against. Second, more economic reform in Moldova means more prosperity that is also good for the Transnistrians. Third, the more the kind of democratic tolerance Chisinau displays in its internal political and social life the more again reinforcing it will be for Transnistria. These are all also conditions for an accelerated integration in the European Union. As to the Cyprus question, that experience if anything makes member states even more aware that they would like to see the solution of the Transnistrian conflict as soon as possible. But it will take time and I trust the Transnistrian settlement will happen sooner.
I.: How efficient is the travel ban imposed by the EU against Transnistria’s leaders?
K.M.: Well, I should start by saying that when the travel limitations were introduced I was not yet EU Special Representative. Since I have taken on this mission I have been working to find ways to build confidence, including by creating an environment allowing for easing these restrictions. I hope that the Transnistrian leadership will do its utmost to add their part. We are particularly eager to see 3 things: the renewal of the negotiating process, free movement of people, including Moldovan officials and an acceptable solution to those Latin script schools in the left bank. It would tremendously improve the climate that can help in many ways. Good negotiations can happen if trust builds between the partners. Travel restrictions do not belong to devices to build trust. They build isolation and it is not good. So, we all need to work together to make those elements of policy belonging to the past. We need engagement, not isolation.
I.: Is it possible to achieve a settlement of the Transnistrian conflict with the current leaders of the breakaway region?
K.M.: We need to work with people who are in charge. I have met all the Transnistrian leaders and I can say that none of them are such that I would say it is impossible to work with. But it needs to be a partnership and needs to be a sustained attitude to build confidence, otherwise it is difficult to bring out some from their bunkers. They need convincing it is not a war against them but a cooperative situation from which they can benefit. They were treated too long as enemies more than partners. But they also need to do more – to answer positive gestures. They sometimes thin that as outcasts they can do whatever they want. Well, they should not be outcasts and on the other hand they need to start behaving responsibly. Again, it is important to this that they feel we treat them as actors in the game.
I.: Could the Transnistrian conflict be solved without Russia and Ukraine?
K.M.: Of course not. These two countries are indispensable to the solution. And your question is good insofar some people treat them as nuisance. The European Union has approached Russia and Ukraine always with respect that partners deserve. Again, the coin has two sides – partnership needs responsible behaviour that aims towards a serious, focused effort to solve this problem.
I.: What is Brussels’, EU’s and USA’s attitude towards statements by the Transnistrian leaders who say that the local people would like the region to join Russia?
K.M.: First of all it is a long way in Transnistria from a situation when a population would get unbiased information for a sustained period of time and then expresses its free will. Second, there is such thing as international law that clearly says Transnistria belongs to Moldova since it was part of the Moldovan Soviet Socialist Republic in the time of the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Dniester should unite, not divide. But again, there is also a responsibility on the other side. The Russian and Ukrainian speaking population of the region needs to feel that they can freely use their mother tongue. Moldova’s policy in this respect is good. What needs to improve is rhetoric of some politicians. The Russian language has an important role to play on both banks of the Dniester. Again, the other side of the equation is that the Transnistrian language and cultural policy needs to give the rights to the mother tongue of the ethnic Moldovans that they claim they give. In pract ice there is a Soviet style russification there that needs to be changed. In that respect a good opportunity is to show progress with the latin script schools until the start of the new school year.
I.: Can Russia be considered a participant in the settlement process equal to Ukraine and OSCE or is it playing a more important role?
K.M.: Every partner has its specific role and of course Russia is a key partner in this situation as well as in many other ways in building a common, free continent. I remain convinced that the Transnistrian settlement will be one of the building elements of this new, cooperative and free Europe that actually stretches to Vladivostok. We, the people of the European Union, have much common with the Russian people and we need projects that make both sides feel that way. The Transnistrian conflict begs for such a joint effort that brings us together and makes us on both sides feel that we have done a good job for the people living here, we have created conditions of prosperity here. This will then give us on both sides confidence to solve more ambitious common goals towards a united, common, democratic, humanistic Europe.
I.: What is your forecast for the Transnistrian settlement process? K.M.: You know, if all want we can have already tangible results in 1 year. In 5 years – sure we will have them. This situation on the Dniestr or Nistru is increasingly anachronistic and we need a humanistic solution to it – now.
I.: How are you evaluating the domestic situation of Moldova?
K.M.: The country has done much since the last parliamentary elections. Its economic policy is prudent even if more attention should be paid to those structural reforms that make its regulatory system compatible with Europe and also more attention needs to be paid to systemic guarantees for reducing corruption. Also, its European integration policy got a new, visible impetus with a very competent management from the Prime Minister and his Ministry of Foreign Affairs and European Integration. Plurality of the media had also increased. A coalition, however, that carries the name European integration, needs to be very prudent about democratic standards and the rule-of-law. I regret to see what has happened – or better to say what has NOT happened – with the parliamentary discussion on the way the President is elected. The Moldovan political elite has missed yet another chance to look European here, I must say. Democracy means negotiations and wise compromises. There was no seri ous effort made to find a compromise solution. Also, the rhetoric is still sometimes antagonistic and such that questions opponents democratic credentials. Democracy can not be without opposition and their rights need also to be respected, and they need to be treated as partners rather than enemies. On the other hand, the opposition also has responsibilities, not only rights: their rhetoric must also respect this. The reason I mention this at length is that all what the Moldovan government does to reform can only be sustained if tolerant behaviour on both sides takes root. It is critical for democracy and democracy is critical to Moldova’s European integration. This one last step the Moldovan political elite on both sides must make so that we can treat democracy here irreversible. Also, the practice that before each election the governing party or coalition rewrites the election rules needs to change. Election rules should be formulated long enough before the elections so that people do not suspect it is designed to accommodate the incumbent. But overall Moldova has a lot to build on, it is the clearest candidate for European integration East of the EU and its negotiations for association progress with record speed thanks to the preparedness of the negotiators, a clear governmental mandate they got and their manners that are truly European. This is very important.
Infotag: Thank you very much for your interview, Mr. Mizsei.
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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