Politics
Turning democracy into a “fringe element” and Moldova into a Russian protectorate
Reading Time: 5 minutesThe latest session of the OSCE Permanent Council in Vienna adds to the indications that officials in Brussels and Washington are returning to the 2002-2004 policy of resolving the Transnistria conflic
By Vladimir Socor
The latest session of the OSCE Permanent Council in Vienna adds to the indications that officials in Brussels and Washington are returning to the 2002-2004 policy of resolving the Transnistria conflict in a manner that abandons Moldova to Russian domination. That policy entails now, as it did then: power-sharing with the Russia-installed leadership on Moldova’s territory, acceptance of Russia’s military presence, and placing Moldova under mainly Russian "guarantees."
American diplomats had worked out that policy in negotiations with Russia at the time, but it met with resistance from Moldova’s civil society at first and ultimately the government. Washington reversed and Brussels shelved that policy by late 2004, recognizing Moldova’s European aspirations and the need to promote democracy in Transnistria and ensure the withdrawal of Russian troops as prerequisites to any viable solution.
At this moment, however, the old policy is suddenly back on track at the initiative of American and European officials. This development threatens to compromise the U.S. and overall Western stance at the upcoming G-8 summit in St. Petersburg. At that summit, the Bush administration intends to raise for the first time at such a level the issue of Russia’s involvement in the "frozen conflicts" including Transnistria and to take a stand for democracy, including on that particular front.
Contradicting the administration’s stated intentions, the American-led OSCE Mission in Moldova has written a document to serve as a basis for negotiations, along the lines of the pre-2004 policy. The document focuses on power-sharing between Moldova’s and Transnistria’s authorities, defined co-equally as "the parties," despite the fact that the former are freely elected and native while the latter are anti-democratic and exported directly from Russia. The U.S. State Department and the office of EU foreign policy chief Javier Solana adopted that document together with Russia at the April 19 meeting in Moscow (see EDM, April 28). Washington and Brussels maintain complete secrecy about that meeting and the document. However, the EU’s special representative for the Transnistria conflict, Dutch diplomat Adriaan Jacobovits de Szeged, unveiled the substance of the EU-U.S. old/new approach at the OSCE Permanent Council’s April 26 session, the documents of which are circulating internally within the OSCE.
Jacobovits’ official presentation re-classifies the issues under negotiation in Moldova/Transnistria into: "fringe elements," henceforth including democracy; and "the main focus," henceforth on power-sharing. It faults the negotiations since 2004 for having "focused solely on what could be called ‘fringe elements’ in finding a solution. Let me mention three of these: 1) democratization, 2) monitoring Transnistria’s military-industrial complex, [and] 3) confidence and security-building measures" [between Moldova’s and Transnistria’s armed forces co-equally]. However, these "should not be the main focus of our deliberations. We need to start working in earnest toward bringing the division of competencies between Chisinau and Tiraspol back as the focus of our discussions."
In tune with the Moscow meeting, Jacobovits’s presentation omitted any mention of the Russian troops on Moldova’s territory. For, "in Moscow the issue of returning to talking about a settlement was agreed in principle among us all." In this phrase and in that omission, anyone familiar with the long record of these negotiations will recognize a return to the Russia-favored approach: defining "settlement" as Chisinau-Tiraspol power-sharing in the presence of Russian troops.
Indeed, the word "Russia" never appears in Jacobovits’ presentation to the Permanent Council. Instead, the EU — in agreement with the State Department and Russia since the Moscow meeting — wants "a middle ground," a "compromise" on power-sharing between "the parties" Chisinau and Tiraspol. This way of casting the issue seeks to disguise two evident facts: First, that Russia is a party to this conflict, indeed its initiator and driver, Tiraspol being Russia’s extension in this regard; and, second, that any political "compromise" between Chisinau and "Tiraspol" would in reality be one between Chisinau and Russia on Moldova’s territory and within Moldova’ state institutions.
Currently designated as "peacekeepers," Russian troops are to be re-labeled "guarantors" under a Russian concept now coordinated with the EU and United States. According to Jacobovits’ presentation, changing the nature of the Russian peacekeeping operation is among the "fringe issues" now, but will become important within "the immediate guarantee mechanisms, which can be addressed more clearly once there is more clarity on what a viable settlement should look like." This again implies the sequencing envisaged from 2001 onward by the American-led OSCE Mission: political settlement on Russian terms now, withdrawal of some Russian troops later, and legitimizing the presence of remaining Russian troops as a mainstay of an "internationalized" peacekeeping/guaranteeing force.
In a parallel bargaining with Moscow, the EU is conceding from the start to Russia a right to provide 50% of the "guarantor troops" and to veto the participation of certain countries in the revamped operation under OSCE auspices. This adds to the OSCE’s blessing of Russia’s self-appropriated role as a political "guarantor" of Moldova.
Acceptance of Russian troops as peacekeepers/guarantors in Moldova would largely cancel the 1999 OSCE Istanbul Commitments of Russia, within the Treaty on Conventional Forces (CFE) in Europe, to withdraw its troops from Moldova completely and unconditionally. By signaling a readiness to accept Russian troops in Moldova under the peacekeeping excuse, EU officials and the OSCE Mission in Chisinau involved in these talks risk compromising the CFE Treaty Review Conference, which is scheduled to be held later this month to review compliance with the Treaty and the Commitments.
At the Permanent Council’s session, the Jacobovits presentation asked Moldova to change its July 2006 law on the basic principles of Transnistria conflict settlement. Those principles are democratization in Transnistria and withdrawal of Russian troops. Contrary to stated U.S. policy, the American-led OSCE Mission and, now, the EU (or at least Solana’s office and certain EU countries) are pressuring Moldova to abandon those principles.
Responding to the EU presentation in the Permanent Council, and in contrast to that presentation, the U.S. delegation severely criticized Tiraspol for provoking incidents and obstructing negotiations; and it called for the withdrawal of Russian troops from Moldova’s territory. Thus, eight days after the concessions made to Russia by State Department and the American-led OSCE Mission alongside the EU at the Moscow meeting, those concessions had apparently not, or not yet, become U.S. policy.
Presenting Moldova’s position to the Permanent Council, Ambassador Victor Postolachi reaffirmed that "democratization and demilitarization of Transnistria constitute the indispensable premises to advancing toward a settlement," as provided by the unanimously adopted 2005 law; expressed deep concern over the continuing presence of Russian troops on Moldova’s territory; and called for replacing that "’so-called’ peacekeeping operation" with an international mission of civilian and military observers.
Moldova’s leadership and civil society are in firm consensus on those principles. Any attempts to pressure Chisinau backstage, as was done in 2002-2004, to accept Russian terms from Western hands, will not remain secret and will encounter official as well as civil-society resistance. If Solana and his special representative decide to go down the road charted at the Moscow meeting, they will not be able to impose that solution on Moldova without U.S. support. The United States cannot associate itself with that kind of "solution" without compromising the Bush administration’s stated democratic principles and its vision for Europe.
(Documents of the OSCE Permanent Council session, April 27)
A new football club has earned a leading place in the UEFA Champions League groups and starred in the headlines of worldwide football news yesterday. The Football Club Sheriff Tiraspol claimed a win with the score 2-1 against Real Madrid on the Santiago Bernabeu Stadium in Madrid. That made Sheriff Tiraspol the leader in Group D of the Champions League, including the football club in the groups of the most important European interclub competition for the first time ever.
International media outlets called it a miracle, a shock and a historic event, while strongly emphasizing the origin of the team and the existing political conflict between the two banks of the Dniester. “Football club from a pro-Russian separatist enclave in Moldova pulls off one of the greatest upsets in Champions League history,” claimed the news portals. “Sheriff crushed Real!” they said.
Moldovans made a big fuss out of it on social media, splitting into two groups: those who praised the team and the Republic of Moldova for making history and those who declared that the football club and their merits belong to Transnistria – a problematic breakaway region that claims to be a separate country.
Both groups are right and not right at the same time, as there is a bunch of ethical, political, social and practical matters that need to be considered.
Is it Moldova?
First of all, every Moldovan either from the right or left bank of Dniester (Transnistria) is free to identify himself with this achievement or not to do so, said Vitalie Spranceana, a sociologist, blogger, journalist and urban activist. According to him, boycotting the football club for being a separatist team is wrong.
At the same time, “it’s an illusion to think that territory matters when it comes to football clubs,” Spranceana claimed. “Big teams, the ones included in the Champions League, have long lost their connection both with the countries in which they operate, and with the cities in which they appeared and to which they linked their history. […] In the age of globalized commercial football, teams, including the so-called local ones, are nothing more than global traveling commercial circuses, incidentally linked to cities, but more closely linked to all sorts of dirty, semi-dirty and cleaner cash flows.”
What is more important in this case is the consistency, not so much of citizens, as of politicians from the government who have “no right to celebrate the success of separatism,” as they represent “the national interests, not the personal or collective pleasures of certain segments of the population,” believes the political expert Dionis Cenusa. The victory of FC Sheriff encourages Transnistrian separatism, which receives validation now, he also stated.
“I don’t know how it happens that the “proud Moldovans who chose democracy”, in their enthusiasm for Sheriff Tiraspol’s victory over Real Madrid, forget the need for total and unconditional withdrawal of Russian troops from Transnistria!” declared the journalist Vitalie Ciobanu.
Nowadays, FC Sheriff Tiraspol has no other choice than to represent Moldova internationally. For many years, the team used the Moldovan Football Federation in order to be able to participate in championships, including international ones. That is because the region remains unrecognised by the international community. However, the club’s victory is presented as that of Transnistria within the region, without any reference to the Republic of Moldova, its separatist character being applied in this case especially.
Is it a victory?
In fact, FC Sheriff Tiraspol joining the Champions League is a huge image breakthrough for the Transnistrian region, as the journalist Madalin Necsutu claimed. It is the success of the Tiraspol Club oligarchic patrons. From the practical point of view, FC Sheriff Tiraspol is a sports entity that serves its own interests and the interests of its owners, being dependent on the money invested by Tiraspol (but not only) oligarchs.
Here comes the real dilemma: the Transnistrian team, which is generously funded by money received from corruption schemes and money laundering, is waging an unequal fight with the rest of the Moldovan football clubs, the journalist also declared. The Tiraspol team is about to raise 15.6 million euro for reaching the Champions League groups and the amounts increase depending on their future performance. According to Necsutu, these money will go directly on the account of the club, not to the Moldovan Football Federation, creating an even bigger gab between FC Sheriff and other football clubs from Moldova who have much more modest financial possibilities.
“I do not see anything useful for Moldovan football, not a single Moldovan player is part of FC Sheriff Tiraspol. I do not see anything beneficial for the Moldovan Football Federation or any national team.”
Is it only about football?
FC Sheriff Tiraspol, with a total estimated value of 12.8 million euros, is controlled by Victor Gusan and Ilya Kazmala, being part of Sheriff Holding – a company that controls the trade of wholesale, retail food, fuels and medicine by having monopolies on these markets in Transnistria. The holding carries out car trading activities, but also operates in the field of construction and real estate. Gusan’s people also hold all of the main leadership offices in the breakaway region, from Parliament to the Prime Minister’s seat or the Presidency.
The football club is supported by a holding alleged of smuggling, corruption, money laundering and organised crime. Moldovan media outlets published investigations about the signals regarding the Sheriff’s holding involvement in the vote mobilization and remuneration of citizens on the left bank of the Dniester who participated in the snap parliamentary elections this summer and who were eager to vote for the pro-Russian socialist-communist bloc.
Considering the above, there is a great probability that the Republic of Moldova will still be represented by a football club that is not identified as being Moldovan, being funded from obscure money, growing in power and promoting the Transnistrian conflict in the future as well.
Photo: unknown
Prime Minister of the Republic of Moldova, Natalia Gavrilita, together with Deputy Prime Minister and Minister of Foreign Affairs, Nicu Popescu, pay an official visit to Brussels, between September 27-28, being invited by High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy, Josep Borrell Fontelles.
Today, Prime Minister had a meeting with Charles Michel, President of the European Council. The Moldovan PM thanked the senior European official for the support of the institution in strengthening democratic processes, reforming the judiciary and state institutions, economic recovery and job creation, as well as increasing citizens’ welfare. Natalia Gavrilita expressed her confidence that the current visit laid the foundations for boosting relations between the Republic of Moldova and the European Union, so that, in the next period, it would be possible to advance high-level dialogues on security, justice and energy. Officials also exchanged views on priorities for the Eastern Partnership Summit, to be held in December.
“The EU is open to continue to support the Republic of Moldova and the ambitious reform agenda it proposes. Moldova is an important and priority partner for us,” said Charles Michel.
Prime Minister Natalia Gavrilita also met with Paolo Gentiloni, European Commissioner for Economy, expressing her gratitude for the support received through the OMNIBUS macro-financial assistance program. The two officials discussed the need to advance the recovery of money from bank fraud, to strengthen sustainable mechanisms for supporting small and medium-sized enterprises in Moldova, and to standardize the customs and taxes as one of the main conditions for deepening cooperation with the EU in this field.
Additionally, Prime Minister spoke about the importance of the Eastern Partnership and the Deep Free Trade Agreement, noting that the Government’s policies are aimed at developing an economic model aligned with the European economic model, focused on digitalization, energy efficiency and the green economy.
A common press release of the Moldovan Prime Minister with High Representative of the European Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy/Vice-President of the Commission, Josep Borrell Fontelles, took place today, where the agenda of Moldova’s reforms and the main priorities to focus on in the coming months were presented: judiciary reform; fighting COVID-19 pandemic; promoting economic recovery and conditions for growth and job creation; strengthening state institutions and resilience of the country.
“I am here to relaunch the dialogue between my country and the European Union. Our partnership is strong, but I believe there is room for even deeper cooperation and stronger political, economic and sectoral ties. I am convinced that this partnership is the key to the prosperity of our country and I hope that we will continue to strengthen cooperation.”
The Moldovan delegation met Didier Reynders, European Commissioner for Justice. Tomorrow, there are scheduled common meetings with Oliver Varhelyi, European Commissioner for Neighborhood and Enlargement, Adina Valean, European Commissioner for Transport and Kadri Simson, European Commissioner for Energy.
Prime Minister will also attend a public event, along with Katarina Mathernova, Deputy Director-General for Neighbourhood Policy and Enlargement Negotiations.
Photo: gov.md
Politics
Promo-LEX about Maia Sandu’s UN speech: The president must insist on appointing a rapporteur to monitor the situation of human rights in Transnistria
The President of the Republic of Moldova, Maia Sandu, pays an official visit to New York, USA, between September 21-22. There, she participates in the work of the United Nations General Assembly. According to a press release of the President’s Office, the official will deliver a speech at the tribune of the United Nations.
In this context, the Promo-LEX Association suggested the president to request the appointment of a special rapporteur in order to monitor the situation of human rights in the Transnistrian region. According to Promo-LEX, the responsibility for human rights violations in the Transnistrian region arises as a result of the Russian Federation’s military, economic and political control over the Tiraspol regime.
“We consider it imperative to insist on the observance of the international commitments assumed by the Russian Federation regarding the withdrawal of the armed forces and ammunition from the territory of the country,” the representatives of Promo-LEX stated. They consider the speech before the UN an opportunity “to demand the observance of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights by the Russian Federation with reference to this territory which is in its full control.”
“It is important to remember about the numerous cases of murder, torture, ill-treatment, forced enlistment in illegal military structures, the application of pseudo-justice in the Transnistrian region, all carried out under the tacit agreement of the Russian Federation. These findings stem from dozens of rulings and decisions issued by the European Court of Human Rights, which found that Russia is responsible for human rights violations in the region.”
The association representatives expressed their hope that the president of the country would give priority to issues related to the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region and would call on relevant international actors to contribute to guaranteeing fundamental human rights and freedoms throughout Moldova.
They asked Maia Sandu to insist on the observance of the obligation to evacuate the ammunition and the military units of the Russian Federation from the territory of the Republic of Moldova, to publicly support the need for the Russian Federation to implement the ECtHR rulings on human rights violations in the Transnistrian region, and to request the appointment of an UN Human Rights Council special rapporteur to monitor the human rights situation in the Transnistrian region of the Republic of Moldova.
**
The Promo-LEX Association concluded that 14 out of 25 actions planned within the National Action Plan for the years 2018–2022 concerning respecting human rights in Transnistria were not carried out by the responsible authorities.
The association expressed its concern and mentioned that there are a large number of delays in the planned results. “There is a lack of communication and coordination between the designated institutions, which do not yet have a common vision of interaction for the implementation of the plan.”
Promo-LEX requested the Government of the Republic of Moldova to re-assess the reported activities and to take urgent measures, “which would exclude superficial implementation of future activities and increase the level of accountability of the authorities.”
Photo: peacekeeping.un.org
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